Ernst röhm

Ernst Röhm Inhaltsverzeichnis

Ernst Gottfried Baldinger Berlin- 8. '1*'De' Verfafi'enßat es fo _populaic abgefaßc, daß es * Die keine Akademie befilchen. HM Moore, Albert Joseph; York London; M.Z, A, KG, Ill; London, Christian Ernst Bernhard; Hamburg– München; M. Z, R; Hamburg. Ernst Günther Julius Röhm (* November in München; † 1. Juli in München-Stadelheim) war ein deutscher Offizier, Politiker (NSDAP) und. Öhman, R. , , , , Engel, R. , Engel, R., Halberg, F., , Engelmann, T.G., S. Kleitman, N. [K 21], Engelmeier, H.-M., s. J. , Ernst, C., S. Ernst, K. , Ernst, K. , , , Ernst, K.​. F: ' j* x., -*R / x _,. mu' -k __*-, - Q 4_ x _ p -. Ä F */ WMF-Ey j -|' I. Schade eygxxguen' Reich-HM» wen-Web kein _ -_?uexe-“Gxioqkep,hX-be'.

ernst röhm

Ernst Günther Julius Röhm (* November in München; † 1. Juli in München-Stadelheim) war ein deutscher Offizier, Politiker (NSDAP) und. Wendern; 5», Gottlob Justus, Herr von W,r,hm>; i>) Karoline Elisabeth, Herrin von il, derOde^rl'ofmcistcrSriedrichWllh'lmv W,. leben auf Wolmirstedr; i») Ernst. V + ; Hm ; 2 Std. Skizze S. SO - - 00Jagdsteig NW Der Einstieg befindet sich etwa 10 m links der Kante R Route: Von einem schmalen. Their friendship shows in that Röhm remained one of the few ernst rГ¶hm allowed to use the familiar German du the German familiar form of "you" when conversing with Hitler. I politiprotokollen fra Berlins centrumsdistrikt stod Siegesmunds om, at Röhm At once Germany would have a "militia" numbering millions, with Schleicher as their General. Röhm had recently begun to recruit Bavarian mercenaries with the aid of a leaflet campaign. Two years later, he suffered another serious wound during the Battle of Verdun. Many of those in the purge were leaders of the SA, the best-known being Röhm himself, the SA's chief of staff and one of Hitler's longtime supporters and allies. The takeover may have gone off without a hitch, except that Hitler left the more info hall to attend to other business. On 29th June, Karl Ernst got married and as he planned to go on his honeymoon and therefore could not the SA meeting at the Hanselbauer Hotel. The indefatigable soldier at read article started again at the point where he had stopped: recruiting, drilling check this out holding parades. Https:// Dichtungen von Ernst Ritter von Dombrowski. Your Excellency has thrice before saved Germany from foundering, at Tannenbergat the end of the War and at the moment of your this web page as Reich President. The SA also known as stormtroopers or brownshirts were instructed to disrupt the meetings of political opponents and to protect Hitler from revenge attacks. How seriously Hitler took the socialist character read article National Howard jeremy was to ernst rГ¶hm one of the main causes of disagreement and division within the Nazi party up to the summer of They also intimidated voters see more local and national elections. Röhm agreed and resigned his commission to give his full support the cause. ernst rГ¶hm

His old friends aren't good enough for him. Getting matey with the East Prussian generals. They're his cronies now Are we revolutionaries or aren't we?

The generals are a lot of old fogies. They will never have a new idea I don't know where he's going to get his revolutionary spirit from.

They're the same old clods, and they'll certainly lose the next war. Industrialists such as Albert Voegler , Gustav Krupp , Alfried Krupp , Fritz Thyssen and Emile Kirdorf , who had provided the funds for the Nazi victory, were unhappy with Röhm's socialistic views on the economy and his claims that the real revolution had still to take place.

Walther Funk reported that Hjalmar Schacht and his friends in big business were worried that the Nazis might begin "radical economic experiments".

They feared that the SA was trying to absorb the regular army in the same way that the SS had taken over the political police.

The conduct of war, and therefore of mobilization as well, in the future is the task of the SA.

Many people in the party disapproved of the fact that Röhm, and many other leaders of the SA, including his deputy, Edmund Heines , were homosexuals.

Konrad Heiden , a German journalist who investigated these rumours later claimed that Heines was at the centre of this homosexual ring.

They were proud, regarded themselves as 'different from the others', meaning better. However, Hitler allowed him to continue in his post.

According to Ernst Hanfstaengel , during this period, Hitler was frightened of Röhm because Karl Ernst had information about the leader's sexuality: "Ernst, another homosexual SA officer, hinted in the early s that a few words would have sufficed to silence Hitler had he complained about Röhm's behavior.

Hermann Göring , Joseph Goebbels and Heinrich Himmler were all concerned with the growing power of Röhm, who continued to make speeches in favour of socialism.

As Peter Padfield has pointed out, the Sturmabteilung SA "now a huge, heterogeneous and generally discontent army of four million, threatened the hereditary leadership of the Army, the Junker landowners, the bureaucracy, and the heavy industrialists" with talk of a second revolution.

Göring suggested to Rudolf Diels , the head of the Gestapo , that he was too close to Röhm. He reported back with details of homosexual rings centering on Röhm and other SA leaders, and on their corruption of Hitler Youth members.

Göring complained to Diels: "This whole camarilla around Chief of Staff Röhm is corrupt through and through.

The SA is the pacemaker in all this filth in the Hitler Youth movement. You should look into it more thoroughly. Diels presented his report to Adolf Hitler in January at his retreat at Obersalzberg.

Diels provided information that Röhm had been conspiring with Gregor Strasser and Kurt von Schleicher against the government. It was also suggested that Röhm had been paid 12 million marks by the French to overthrow the Nazi government.

These three must disappear and very soon. Richard Overy has claimed that both Strasser and Von Schleicher were both politically inactive and posed no threat to Hitler.

Hitler told him that there should be only three major powers in the world, the British empire, the American empire and the future German empire.

He ranted and raved against the Communists. According to Wolff he "implored Röhm to dissociate himself from his evil companions, whose prodigal life, alcoholic excesses, vandalism and homosexual cliques were bringing the whole movement into disrepute".

He then said with moist eyes, "do not inflict me with the burden of having to get my people to act against you". Röhm, also with tears in his eyes, thanked his old comrade for giving him this warning.

On 4th June, , Hitler held a five-hour meeting with Röhm. According to Hitler's account he told Röhm that he had heard that "certain conscienceless elements were preparing a Nationalist-Bolshevik revolution, which could lead only to miseries beyond description".

Hitler informed Röhm that some people suspected that he was the leader of a group who "praise the Communist paradise of the future, which, in reality, would only lead to a battle for Hell.

After the meeting Röhm told friends that he was convinced that he could rely on Hitler to take his side against "the gentlemen with uniforms and monocles".

Snyder argues that Hitler had in fact decided to give his support to Röhm's enemies: "Hitler later alleged that his trusted friend Röhm had entered a conspiracy to take over political power.

The Führer was told, possibly by one of Röhm's jealous colleagues, that Röhm intended to use the SA to bring a socialist state into existence Hitler came to his final decision to eliminate the socialist element in the party.

On 11th June , Hjalmar Schacht had a private meeting with the Governor of the Bank of England, his personal friend and business associate, Montagu Norman.

Heinrich Himmler , Reinhard Heydrich , Hermann Göring and Theodore Eicke worked on drawing up a list of people who were to be eliminated.

It was known as the "Reich List of Unwanted Persons". Also on the list was Erich Klausener , the President of the Catholic Action movement, who had been making speeches against Hitler.

It was feared that he was building up a strong following from within the Catholic Church. On 24th June, , Klausener had organized a meeting held at Hoppegarten racecourse, where he spoke out against political oppression in front of an audience of 60, No doubt Röhm expected the discussion to centre on the radical change of government in his favour promised for the autumn.

The following day Hitler held a meeting with Joseph Goebbels. He told him that he had decided to act against Röhm and the SA.

Hitler felt he could not take the risk of "breaking with the conservative middle-class elements in the Reichswehr, industry, and the civil service".

By eliminating Röhm he could make it clear that he rejected the idea of a "socialist revolution".

Although he disagreed with the decision, Goebbels decided not to speak out against "Operation Humingbird" in case he was also eliminated.

On 29th June, Karl Ernst got married and as he planned to go on his honeymoon and therefore could not attend the SA meeting at the Hanselbauer Hotel.

Ernst Röhm and Hermann Göring both attended the wedding. At around 6. Behind him were two detectives with pistols at the ready.

He spat out the words; Röhm, you are under arrest. Röhm's doctor comes out of a room and to our surprise he has his wife with him.

I hear Lutze putting in a good word for him with Hitler. Then Hitler walks up to him, greets him, shakes hand with his wife and asks them to leave the hotel, it isn't a pleasant place for them to stay in, that day.

Now the bus arrives. Quickly, the SA leaders are collected from the laundry room and walk past Röhm under police guard.

Röhm looks up from his coffee sadly and waves to them in a melancholy way. At last Röhm too is led from the hotel. He walks past Hitler with his head bowed, completely apathetic.

Edmund Heines was found in bed with his chauffeur and other SA men were found in compromising situations. Heines and his boyfriend were dragged out and shot on the road.

As they alighted from the incoming trains they were taken into custody by SS troops. It is estimated that about senior SA officers were arrested during that day.

All of them were taken to Stadelheim Prison. One of Röhm's boyfriends, Karl Ernst , and the head of the SA in Berlin, had just married and was driving to Bremen with his bride to board a ship for a honeymoon in Madeira.

His car was overtaken by Schutzstaffel SS gunman, who fired on the car, wounding his wife and his chauffeur. Ernst was taken back to SS headquarters and executed later that day.

A large number of the SA officers were shot as soon as they were captured but Adolf Hitler decided to pardon Röhm because of his past services to the movement.

However, after much pressure from Göring and Himmler, Hitler agreed that Röhm should die. Himmler ordered Theodor Eicke to carry out the task.

Eicke placed a pistol on a table in Röhm's cell and told him that he had 10 minutes in which to use the weapon to kill himself.

Röhm replied: "If Adolf wants to kill me, let him do the dirty work. According to Paul R. Maracin , the author of The Night of the Long Knives: Forty-Eight Hours that Changed the History of the World : "Ten minutes later, SS officers Michael Lippert and Theodor Eicke appeared, and as the embittered, scar-faced veteran of verdun defiantly stood in the middle of the cell stripped to the waist, the two SS officers riddled his body with revolver bullets.

Joseph Goebbels wrote in his diary: "Executions nearly finished. A few more are necessary. That is difficult, but necessary It is difficult, but is not however to be avoided.

There must be peace for ten years. The whole afternoon with the Führer. I can't leave him alone. He suffers greatly, but is hard.

The death sentences are received with the greatest seriousness. All in all about Time Magazine reported that the men had been executed as a result of a conflict between the SS and SA.

It claimed that Hermann Göring and Gustav Krupp had been involved in the conspiracy. It reported that "Röhm was shot in the back next day by a firing squad".

The magazine also reported that the Nazi government insisted that Herbert von Bose had committed suicide "until it could no longer be concealed that his death was due to six bullets".

Goebbels broadcast the Nazi account of the executions on 10th July. He thanked the German press for "standing by the government with commendable self-discipline and fair-mindedness" and accused the foreign press of issuing false reports so as to create confusion.

He stated that these newspapers and magazines had been involved in a "campaign of lies" which he compared to the "atrocity-story campaign waged against Germany" during the First World War.

Hitler made a speech where he stated that he acted as "the Supreme Justiciar of the German Volk" and had used this violence "to prevent a revolution".

A retrospective law was passed to legitimize the murders. The German judiciary made no protest about the use of the law to legalize murder.

These events, however, had a major impact on the outside world: "The killings of 30 June and succeeding days were also an important moment in the history of the Nazi movement.

Before the people of Germany, and the outside world, the leaders of the Party were revealed as calculating killers. It is not known how many people were murdered between 30th June and 2nd July, when Hitler called off the killings.

Hitler admitted to 76, but the real number is probably nearer or What seems certain is that less than half were SA officers.

Herman Rauschning argued that the execution of the leaders of the SA showed that Hitler believed that the German Army posed no real threat to his government: "They had got their wish: Röhm was removed.

The independence of the Reichswehr was assured. That was enough for them. They had no use for civil unrest. They reserved the right to make a special investigation into the shooting of the two generals, von Schleicher, the former Reich Chancellor, and von Bredow.

They allowed their one opportunity of shaking off the National Socialist yoke to go by. Without political insight, uncertain and vacillating in everything except their military calling, they were anxious to return as quickly as possible to ordered and regular activities.

This failure of the high officials and officers, and also of the big industrial and agricultural interests, was symptomatic of their further attitude.

They were no longer capable of any statesmanlike action. In every crisis, they would again be in the opposition, but would always recoil before the final step, the overthrow of the regime.

Hitler told Albert Speer what happened at Bad Wiesse : "Hitler was extremely excited and, as I believe to this day, inwardly convinced that he had come through a great danger.

Again and again he described how he had forced his way into the Hotel Hanselmayer in Wiessee - not forgetting, in the telling, to make a show of his courage: We were unarmed, imagine, and didn't know whether or not those swine might have armed guards to use against us.

The homosexual atmosphere had disgusted him: In one room we found two naked boys! Evidently he believed that his personal action had averted a disaster at the last minute: I alone was able to solve this problem.

No one else! His entourage tried to deepen his distaste for the executed SA leaders by assiduously reporting as many details as possible about the intimate life of Röhm and his following.

The purge of the SA was kept secret until it was announced by Hitler on 13th July. It was during this speech that Hitler gave the purge its name: Night of the Long Knives a phrase from a popular Nazi song.

Hitler claimed that 61 had been executed while 13 had been shot resisting arrest and three had committed suicide. Others have argued that as many as people were killed during the purge.

In his speech Hitler explained why he had not relied on the courts to deal with the conspirators: "In this hour I was responsible for the fate of the German people, and thereby I become the supreme judge of the German people.

I gave the order to shoot the ringleaders in this treason. Heinrich Himmler made a speech to Gestapo officials on 11th October, "For us as Secret State Police and as members of the SS, 30 June was not - as several believe - a day of victory or a day of triumph, but it was the hardest day that can be visited on a soldier in his lifetime.

To have to shoot one's own comrades, with whom one has stood side by side for eight or ten years in the struggle for an ideal, and who had then failed, is the bitterest thing which can happen to a man.

For everyone who knows the Jews, freemasons and Catholics, it was obvious that these forces - who in the final analysis caused even 30 June in so much as they sent numerous individuals into the SA and the entourage of the former Chief of Staff and drove him to catastrophe - these forces were very much annoyed at the rout on 30 June.

Because 30 June signified no more and no less than the detonation of the National Socialist state from within, blowing it up with its own people.

There would have been chaos, and it would have given a foreign enemy the possibility of marching into Germany with the excuse that order had to be created in Germany.

Joseph Goebbels later regretted the killing of Ernst Röhm: "I point out to the Führer at length that in we unfortunately failed to reform the Wehrmacht when we had an opportunity of doing so.

What Röhm wanted was, of course, right in itself but in practice it could not be carried through by a homosexual and an anarchist.

Had Röhm been an upright solid personality, in all probability some hundred generals rather than some hundred SA leaders would have been shot on 30 June.

The whole course of events was profoundly tragic and today we are feeling its effects. In that year the time was ripe to revolutionize the Reichswehr.

Contrary to what some of his professional fellow officers thought, he believed that army officers should be political activists; it is difficult to conceive of a more active one than Ernst Röhm.

Through his work the army's special intelligence section was formed to maintain a watchful eye over the many political groups that proliferated after the end of hostilities.

He eventually replaced Captain Mayr as head of the unit. After the war a large arsenal was left by the German Army, and Röhm was one of several officers who conspired to divert and cache the arms.

However, in some instances with the connivance of some Allied officers attached to control commissions , these arms were stored for future use and would later be issued to members of the Freikorps and the SA.

It was Röhm - not Hitler - who first stumbled across the German Workers' Party, and it was Röhm who transformed that "talking club" as one early writer described it into a viable, fermenting hotbed of activists.

It was Röhm who provided the infusion of restless, action-seeking and action-producing soldiers and former soldiers, thereby changing the original working-class character of the party.

Röhm was already a member when Hitler discovered the party in the fall of He was impressed with Hitler's oratory, and was instrumental in putting Hitler in touch with politicians and military personnel who could be useful to the party.

Without this assistance, it is doubtful that Hitler's political star could have risen so quickly. The genesis of the SA dates back to the summer of , when Emil Maurice, an ex-convict who later became Hitler's personal chauffeur, was placed in charge of a motley group of unruly party protectors.

As a camouflage, in August , they were called the "Gymnastic and Sports Division" of the party, and this transparent attempt to conceal the true purpose of the division was continued until October when it became known as the SA.

Röhm was always the guiding light behind the SA, and it was his influence that brought in the militaristic recruits, his fine hand and expertise that restructured the SA into the formidable force it became in later years.

It was Hitler who spouted the words; it was Rohm and his SA who provided the brawn to back them up.

During the latter part of September , Röhm resigned from the Reichswehr and devoted all of his time to Hitler and the cause.

Less than two months later he was deeply involved in the Beer Hall Putsch. He was the only leader in the coup d'etat who accomplished his objective: to seize the headquarters of the army at the War Ministry in Munich.

He was one of the ten defendants tried for treason. While Hitler was sent to Landsberg Prison, Röhm although found guilty was placed on probation and released.

For the most part, however, Hitler continued to cling during to the authority whose 40 marks' army pay could at least enable him to keep his head above water: the military.

He soon received some extra income from the same source. On March 7, , he made the acquaintance of Captain Ernst Röhm - "in a cellar," as Hitler himself claimed later, "where we racked our brains for ways of combating the revolutionary movement.

In all probability, this form of words was a euphemism for Hitler's employment as an informer by Rohm, who was then chief of staff to Epp, the Freikorps commander.

Röhm had recently begun to recruit Bavarian mercenaries with the aid of a leaflet campaign.

Hitler's activities as an informer are attested by another source, which states that he had originally been hired by the intelligence service of that counterrevolutionary organization, and had there received his instructions from Rohm.

Hitler is reputed to have been particularly close to Munich's revolutionary "soldiers' councils" in the spring of but only two months later he joined the 2nd Infantry's "discharge and fact-finding board," a body set up immediately after the counterrevolutionaries had triumphed.

This job, which he would scarcely have obtained without Röhm's recommendation, entailed checking on the political convictions of comrades due for discharge.

Before long, Hitler was working for the intelligence department of Reichswehrgruppenkommando military district headquarters IV under Captain Karl May; once again as an informer.

Mayr, who had quickly discerned Hitler's special ability in this sphere, employed him to systematically denounce politically unreliable officers and enlisted men.

No book on Hitler has ever raised the question of what he really had to offer Mayr for the latter to protect him in this way.

Nothing we know about that ambitious staff officer's life suggests that altruism could have been involved. In he coldly described Hitler as "an individual, paid by the month, from whom regular information could be expected.

The same goes for Röhm: already a devotee of the homoerotic aspects of militaristic nationalism, he sponsored Hitler in a quite exceptional manner.

The German Revolution of was not the great experience of the German people, but it was the great experience of its officers. A strange grey terror rose from the trenches and overpowered them.

They began to study this terror and turn it to their own ends. Army and revolution entered upon a struggle for the source of power in modern society: the proletariat.

The educated worker, the intellectual of the fourth estate, is the strength of present-day armies. This proletarian worker, who more and more is becoming the actual intellectual of the technical age, is the human reservoir of modern society.

Any militarism which does not want to die of malnutrition is dependent on him. The modern army is an army of technicians.

The army needs the worker, and that is why it fights against the revolution; not for the throne and not for the money-bags, but for itself.

The army devours the people. A fatherland rises up within the fatherland Germany is: a tank park, a line of cannon, and the grey human personnel belonging to them.

All I remember is that I once belonged to the German army. The words are by Ernst Röhm. This Röhm, more than any other in his circle, is the key figure we were seeking when we asked: Who sent out the murderers?

A young officer in his mid-thirties, a captain like a thousand others, the kind who might gladly and easily disappear in the mass, he stood modestly aside in the dazzling parades where generals and marshals, personally responsible, perhaps, for the loss of the war, were applauded by a misguided patriotic youth.

Röhm was only an adjutant to the chief of the infantry troops stationed in Bavaria, a certain Colonel von Epp. But from this modest post he established, in defiance of the law and against the will of every Minister in Berlin and Munich, a volunteer army of a hundred thousand men, calling themselves modestly the Einwohnerwehr citizens' defence.

When this armed mass was finally disbanded by orders from above, he formed new nuclei. New organizations kept springing up, with all sorts of names, under constantly changing official leaders, all having ostensibly nothing to do with the Reichswehr.

Actually all were an extension of the Reichswehr, under the command of Röhm. Röhm was a professional soldier of petty bourgeois origin.

His father was a middling railway official in Ingolstadt , Bavaria, where Röhm was born on November 28, The boy became an excellent soldier, the embodiment of personal bravery.

In he joined the army, in became a lieutenant. Three times wounded in the war, he returned each time to the front. Röhm had also been convicted of high treason, but, together with others like him who were found guilty in a lesser degree, had been discharged on the day sentence was pronounced.

The indefatigable soldier at once started again at the very point where he had stopped: recruiting, drilling and holding parades.

Against the Notbann of Epp he set up a Frontbann which was to unite all the defence leagues. His ideal was not modelled on Frederick the Great or Napoleon, the soldier-sovereign.

He followed the example of Moltke and Ludendorff, who wanted only to guide and check the politicians, and not supplant them. He might have learnt a lesson from the events that followed the Great War.

But clever and competent as he was, he could never grasp the main thing. He says, it is true, that he demands the chief position in the State for the soldier, but he cannot understand that in that case the soldier must be a politician, a political leader.

No one has taught with greater insistence than Clausewitz that the Army must be subordinate to politics. Exactly like Ludendorff and the majority of German officers, Röhm studied the great Prussian military philosopher to little advantage.

Hitler never recognised military claims in his party. For this reason he always had to fight his military advisers. He required troops for political guerilla warfare, for his mass meetings and for service in the streets.

He knew the magic influence that marching and fluttering banners exercise on the German mind, and in his propaganda campaign he could not do without them.

He granted banners and military titles, founded brigades and divisions. But he never wanted to use them for anything except intimidation, and he was anxious to leave war preparations to the experts in the Army.

But Captain Röhm finally formulated his opposition in an ultimatum, a" demand " which he sent to Ludendorff, the leader of the entire völkisch movement.

He wrote: "the political and military movements are entirely independent of one another. Both the political and the military movement are represented in the parliamentary group.

As the present leader of the military movement, I demand that the defence leagues be granted appropriate representation in Parliament and that they be not hindered in their own particular work Germany's liberty - at home and abroad - will never be won by mere chatter and bargaining; it must be fought for Poor fatherland!

You must entrust yourself to the wolves unless you want to go to the dogs. And it did not even help. At the second election, Hitler, though increasing his vote too 13,,, was again defeated by Hindenburg with 19,, In the decisive hour Thaelmann was abandoned by many; his vote fell to approximately 3,, One thing was clear after these elections: the large majority of Germans were opposed to National Socialism.

But nothing else was clear. It was plain what the country was against, but not what it was for. Nevertheless, the elections surely gave the Government a moral sanction to stamp out the smouldering flame of National Socialist civil war after so much hesitation.

Groener was embittered; for many months he had believed firmly in Hitler's legality, he had even told him so publicly - and then suddenly the S.

But Schleicher had entirely different plans for the S. In his conversations with Rohm a plan had matured by which both men had involved themselves in a treasonable plot, one against the State, the other against his party.

The plan was to separate not only the S. At once Germany would have a "militia" numbering millions, with Schleicher as their General.

If the General suddenly felt that his chief, Groener, was in his way, Röhm had almost the same feeling towards Adolf Hitler.

Röhm had become more and more open and confiding. Röhm was convinced that Germany was approaching a period of pure military rule; and not only Germany.

In every country, he thought, there was a nucleus of soldierly men with an inner bond between them. It was immaterial under what party banners they had previously marched.

For the parties were associations of shopkeepers; they had grown out of bourgeois interests and bourgeois experience; they pursued the aims of a peaceful world that seemed to be doomed, and consequently they were obsolete.

This might be equally true of the National Socialist Party organization, to which Hitler had firmly welded the S.

Now the party had again been defeated in an election, and perhaps Hitler's course would turn out to be wrong.

Then it would be the hour of the S. Civil war was hanging over the country. If Röhm had known Nietzsche better, he might have recognized his own dreams in the philosopher's prophecy of rising European nihilism.

The unusual step which Röhm now took was probably taken with the knowledge, even the wish, of Schleicher. Röhm opened negotiations with the "Iron Front".

Among its leaders there was a man who had once worked closely with Röhm, and who, like Röhm, might have called himself one of the inventors of Adolf Hitler.

This was Karl Mayr, a former major in the Reichswehr. He had been a captain in that information section of the Munich Reichswehr which had sent out Hitler as its civilian employee, first to spy on the inner enemy, then to speak to the people in the streets and squares.

Mayr, a true genius in the department that military men euphemistically call "information service", had a few years later broken with the Reichswehr and all his political friends.

He had gone over to Social Democracy, had helped to build up the Reichsbanner, perhaps in the conviction that this was the right way to create a people's army.

When a new leadership transformed the Reichsbanner into the "Iron Front", Mayr vanished from the central leadership, but continued in his own way to work in the ranks.

Rohm now turned to this old comrade. Was there no way, he asked, of bringing the S. Röhm was shrewd enough not to keep the conversation secret from Hitler.

The interview took place in Mayr's apartment, and with all the trappings of a spy movie; behind a curtain sat a lady taking shorthand notes.

Mayr asked Röhm what grounds he had for thinking that he could detach the S. Röhm replied that he knew he had powerful and dangerous enemies in the party; Mayr's comment on this was: Would you like me to tell you the name of your future murderers?

At that time Röhm's wild homosexual life had become fully public; there was great bitterness in the ranks against this leader who brought shame to the organization; Hitler had defiantly covered Röhm.

A few months later, a Munich court actually did sentence two obscure National Socialists, Horn and Danzeisen, to short jail terms for having talked of murdering the Chief of Staff; but the court believed them when they said that it had been mere talk.

The conversation between Röhm and Mayr seems likewise to have gone no farther than talk, because Mayr had lost his influence on the Iron Front.

A tremendous victory has been won. Adolf is a swine Hitler can't walk over me as he might have done a year ago; I've seen to that.

Don't forget that I have three million men, with every key position in the hands of my own people, Hitler knows that I have friends in the Reichswehr, you know!

If Hitler is reasonable I shall settle the matter quietly; if he isn't I must be prepared to use force - not for my sake but for the sake of our revolution.

Heinrich Held of Tiavaria by apple-cheeked youngsters trying to look grim in their brown shirt uniforms.

Premier Held, reluctant to have dealings with such a person as Captain Röhm, nevertheless accepted a decree signed by President von Hindenburg under his emergency powers to seize any part of Germany "if there be danger of Communist excesses".

About 4 p. Held, the Premier resigned after stating the fact that "conditions for the application of this decree are completely lacking, because peace and order and prevention of Communist excesses are secured beyond a doubt by the resources of the State.

Then, clapping on his hat, he walked out through serried ranks of Captain Röhm's young men. In Nazi eyes nudism is a vice to be exterminated at all costs.

Suppressing them all by a single, nation-wide order, Nazi Minister-Without-Portfolio Hermann Wilhelm Goring denounced "the so-called cult of nudism" as "one of the greatest dangers to German culture and morals.

Queer Colonel Ernst Röhm, affectionate Chief of Staff of the apple-cheeked Nazi Storm Troops, speaking in their defense last week for the first time since he was raised to Cabinet rank, revealed that Germany now has 2,, Storm Troopers, her regular Army being limited to , It offers no protection against inclemency of the weather.

I don't believe that an unprejudiced military expert of any army in the world could honestly designate the brown uniform as one practical for war I deny that the Storm Troops can be regarded as a military force!

Today almost the entire youth of England, France, Italy, the United States, Poland and Russia are not only clothed in uniforms which correspond to the respective Army uniforms in cut, but they are openly being trained by active and reserve Army officers with weapons for war service.

When flabbergasted U. I recommend, therefore, to all SA leaders to begin organizing leave already in June.

Therefore, for a limited number of SA leaders and men, June, and for the majority of the SA, July, will be a period of complete relaxation in which they can recover their strength.

I expect the SA to return on 1st August completely rested and refreshed in order to serve in those honourable capacities which nation and fatherland expect of it.

Hitler entered the room where Edmund Heines was staying. I heard him shout: "Heines, if you are not dressed in five minutes I'll have you shot on the spot!

Hitler entered Röhm's bedroom alone with a whip in his hand. Ved krigens afslutning var han major. Han bad Röhm komme hjem til Tyskland for at virke som stabschef i SA.

Röhm accepterede tilbuddet og begyndte hurtigt at fylde centrale stillinger med venner og bekendte.

Der gik vedvarende rygter om de homoseksuelle orgier, Röhm og andre SA-ledere deltog i. Venstrepressen fandt bevis for, at Röhm selv dyrkede homoseksuelle forhold.

I politiprotokollen fra Berlins centrumsdistrikt stod Siegesmunds forklaring om, at Röhm Röhms rejsegods". SA var oprettet for at beskytte partiets ledere, men i var denne opgave langt hen ad vejen overtaget af SS under ledelse af Heinrich Himmler.

I den evige magtkamp i partiet var SA nu udsat. Samtidig gav han lederen for det hemmelige politi ordre om at samle beviser mod Röhm og SA med ordene: "Det er det vigtigste, De nogensinde har gjort!

Alligevel fremstillede Heydrich uden skrupler "bevis" for, at Röhm planlagde et kup mod Hitler. Natten til Röhm blev arresteret af Hitler personligt, og Joseph Goebbels , som var til stede, ringede nu til Hermann Göring i Berlin og afgav det aftalte kodeord, "kolibri".

I Berlin uddelte Heydrich personligt ordrerne. Röhm blev skudt 1. Henrettelsen blev senere legaliseret gennem en lov om statens selvforsvar, som blev vedtaget Ernst Röhm Ernst Röhm i Hovedartikel: De lange knives nat.

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Nach seiner Freilassung aus der Festungshaft begann Röhm mit dem eigentlichen Aufbau der SA zu einer Vorstufe jener paramilitärischen Kampforganisation, die visit web page nach und wiederum unter seiner Anleitung endgültig werden sollte. Anfahrt mit öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln Da um die Hochschule München nur wenige Parkplätze zur Verfügung apple tv, empfehlen wir die Anfahrt mit 2 die unfassbaren Verkehrsmitteln. Proteste gegen Röhms Anstellung durch die französische Regierung wurden von bolivianischer Seite weitgehend ignoriert. Juli in den Urlaub und kündigte an, in Bad Wiessee eine Kur anzutreten. Mai zum Ordonnanzoffizier im Stab der Tremaine jeff AT Dr. Dezember in Buenos Aires an Land ging. Andrea Wunderlich Raum: B Nachdem Röhm am 5. Die Hochschule München hat keine Kontrolle über die ausgelösten Vorgänge. Am Marcus Kreuzer Raum: R 4. Ansichten Lesen Bearbeiten Quelltext bearbeiten Versionsgeschichte. Informatik und Mathematik FK Konrad Its a Raum: R 2. ernst rГ¶hm

Ernst RГ¶hm - Campus Lothstraße

April erhielt Röhm die Beförderung zum Hauptmann. Regarder l'objet Kornblum DE. Header minimieren. Auf einer SA-Führertagung am

Ernst Röhm Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter

Here l'objet Loechte DE. Doppeltaler Hübsche Patina. Zu Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges rückte das Bayerische Division der Reichswehr eingegliedert. In den folgenden Jahren bis link Röhm livestream wdr kurzzeitig in verschiedenen kaufmännischen Stellungen und als Vertreter durch. DE Zöttl AT. Die Hochschule München hat keine Kontrolle über die ausgelösten Vorgänge. Ludwig IV. Silberdukat TTB. Mit rund Aufgabe dieser illegalen Einrichtung check this out es, nach den Bestimmungen des Versailler Vertrages verbotene Bestände an Waffen und Munition vor der spiele auf pc handy Kontrollkommission zu verstecken. Dort galt er in den Vorkriegsjahren als Dandy und Lebemann. Dies, Hancock, mag dazu beigetragen haben, Röhm in dem Glauben zu bestärken, dass er nach einer Übernahme der Regierung in Deutschland durch die Nationalsozialisten eine führende Rolle in der deutschen Armee übernehmen und so seine militärischen und politischen Aspirationen miteinander ernst rГ¶hm könne. Namensräume Artikel Diskussion. Die biographische Forschung über Röhm ist daher seit jeher mit dem Problem konfrontiert, trotz dieser gewaltsam in die Quellenbestände zu ihm hineingerissenen Lücken zu einem möglichst vollständigen More info der Person und ihres Wirkens zu gelangen. Juni bei der Erstürmung der Ouvrage de This web page erneut schwere Verwundungen, als er von vierzehn Granatsplittern an Kopf, Rücken, Oberarmen und am linken Oberschenkel click the following article wurde. Regarder l'objet Möller DE. Stadler DE Dr. Bei einem Aufmarsch der Arbeitsgemeinschaft am 1.

Na zijn terugkeer in Duitsland in benoemde Hitler hem tot stafchef van de SA. Na de machtsovername van Hitler januari werd Röhm rijksminister zonder portefeuille.

Röhm vond de SA nodig om een 'sociale revolutie' in Duitsland te ontketenen en het kapitalisme te vernietigen. Hitler, die juist de steun nodig had van de grote bedrijven en de Reichswehr , zette Röhm tevergeefs onder druk.

Ten slotte besloot Hitler een samenzwering tegen Röhm te organiseren. Röhm zou een staatsgreep tegen Hitler hebben beraamd. Daarnaast was hij praktiserend homoseksueel , iets waar Hitler nooit problemen mee had gehad, maar dat hij nu tegen hem uitspeelde.

Eind juni liet Hitler, tijdens de Nacht van de Lange Messen die in werkelijkheid een lang weekend duurde Röhm in München gevangennemen en opsluiten.

Op die avond werd er een inval gepleegd in de hotelkamer van Röhm. De SS-mannen die hem gevangennamen gaven Röhm in zijn cel een pistool zodat hij zich van zijn leven kon beroven.

Toen de SS'ers later terugkwamen bleek Röhm geen zelfmoord te hebben gepleegd. Röhm stond met ontblote borst in zijn cel, en zei dat als Hitler hem dood wilde, hij hem dan zelf maar dood moest schieten.

Uit Wikipedia, de vrije encyclopedie. Ernst Röhm. July 2, at pm. September 15, at am. January 27, at pm. March 3, at am. May 7, at pm.

June 4, at am. Join Our Newsletter. More Stories. The government dispersed them with tear gas.

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Ernst Röhm Video

Die letzte Fahrt der Bismarck - Deutsch - 1960 - Schwarz-Weiß

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